South African journalists repeatedly insist on labelling politicians as "left" or "right" wing. But this is absurd on multiple levels.

It is almost as if we are insisting on wearing somebody else's prescription glasses and arguing over the blurs that appear before our squinting eyes, instead of just removing the frames and saying what we see.

The left and right factions of the West are based on an understanding of the purpose of politics which diverged in 1791 in revolutionary France, between those who see their aim as engineering a universal utopia and those who resist it.

On this essential model, we could divide South Africa in two, but we would end up with some very different ideas of utopia, and very different ideas of pragmatic realism.

Firstly, there are the Charterists (ANC, EFF, PAC, COPE). They follow the Freedom Charter, a rather laconic document that combines African pastoralist nostalgia with revolutionary Marxism and black nationalism, as well as outdated reactions to a system that died 30 years ago. They dream of unsullied racial supremacy with a monolithic central government, and lots of free goodies. They are also Pan-Africanist.

Secondly, there are the Liberals (DA, ASA, etc.). These groups embrace progressive Western institutionalism, with some variations. Mashaba's Action SA adds border security to the mix, but broadly pursues the same model as the EU and north America - free trade and movement of people, individualist liberal constitutionalism, and massive unaffordable welfare for buying votes of poor outsiders. They dream of a world in which there are no nations or peoples, just one holistic ecumenical holding company, with hedonistic indulgences for all, funded from the generosity of the taxpayer.

Then there are the ethnonationalists. These exhibit wide policy variations, depending on who is standing on the soap box. Black nationalism, particularly Charterism, is opposed to this - as Samora Machel once put it, "for the nation to live, the tribe must die".

In this complex political landscape, elements associated with either the left or right in the West are shuffled into every faction. Even within the white community, Western political traditions find imperfect parallels.

Examining leaders like Zuma reveals a synthesis of traditionalist Zulu ethnonationalism with Charterism, prioritising black nationalism over Marxism. Ramaphosa engages in pragmatic power politics by feeding any faction in his orbit, but with a leaning towards communism, embodying a fusion of diverse influences.

But what is notable is how the Charterists use left and right. Left means anti-white, right means pro-white. They understand wealth distribution as identical to racial interest, and the one-party system of Leninism harmonises well with the simunye (unity) politics of Ubuntu - there is only one human race - those who act like us and obey our consensus. "Divisiveness" is a cardinal sin, though it seems more honoured in the breach than respected as a rule.

The EFF too follows a Leninist ideology, and the Ubuntu aspects often go unnoticed as a redult. But their emphasis on the writings of Biko, Sankara, Sobukwe and Fanon should indicate that there is something more African in orientation than strict orthodox Marxism.

Anglo Liberals, represented by the DA, but also by a host of NGOs, are generally nonracialist, but advocate for adopting Anglosphere cultural values. This Liberal hypocrisy is a major theme of black nationalist literature both here and across the Atlantic. It ends up being a semi-unconscious demand for conformity to Western cultural values and expectations, with an aesthetic elevation of African tourist-kitsch.

The underlying idea is that the blacks will really love us if we can show them how to live properly - hence why the DA keeps boasting of how many black people migrate to the Western Cape, and how much money they pour into free services and the upgrading of settlements established in land grabs. They believe that they will all turn into English Liberals in beadwork jewellery if they could just see how much better their policies work. Instead, they mostly just vote Charterist or abstain, on the whole.

Afrikaner nationalism, suffering a major crisis of confidence after 1994, remains largely outside party politics, and leans towards mutual-aid welfarism and old-fashioned economic corporatism (i.e., a compact between unions and businesses along community lines). They strongly favour racial coalitions over melting pot models, and prefer to honour debts of loyalty rather than debts of guilt.

AfriForum's pro-bono court battle against ANC interference in the succession dispute in the Barolong ba Seleka chieftaincy is a prime example - the tribe once gave shelter and provisions to the Boers during the Great Trek, and by both sides, their defence against ANC interference in their affairs was seen as a recognition of an ancient debt of hospitality.

The ultimate aim of Afrikaner self-determination combines elements of libertarianism, social-democracy, ethnonationalism, and a unique form of networked community diplomacy that defies easy categorisation.

Zulu nationalists prioritize meritocracy and aristocratic privilege, embracing a generally freemarket stance but emphasizing development economics. The IFP is dominated by Zulu aristocrats and royalty, and aims to preserve the royal land titles while consolidating an alternative to ANC corruption. Zulus are often split on the national question, and the dilemma of identity - are we black first, or Zulu first? - has and still does result in a great deal of bloodshed.

Among Coloureds, identity politics is rather new, and there are three parties here - Patriotic Alliance, GOOD and the National Coloured Congress. There is also a fourth, if Islamism is to be considered, and the Al-Jamaa party has a large Coloured constituency.

The community suffers from severe internal divisions and distrust prevail, leading to a focus on patronage disputes, reflecting a highly reactionary stance with support for measures like the death penalty and military conscription. They like developmental economics and welfarism, and distrust both black and white, but while GOOD are hard ANC allies, the PA are sold to the highest bidder (meaning the most likely to indulge graft), and the NCC are ambivalent, perhaps slightly white-leaning.

Most Coloureds prefer the DA, resenting white and liberal domination of the party, but preferring it to the ANC's rapacious governance style and racial discrimination policies.

Moreover, the reality on the ground hardly reflects the party disputes.

It paints a picture of white and other middle-class minorities predominantly leaning libertarian, emphasizing self-sufficiency, particularly in the northern regions, where private security, home electrical generation and rainwater collection are essential for survival.

Black individuals outside party politics tend to distance themselves from Charterist Pan-Africanism, gravitating towards a blend of entrepreneurism and welfarism, with a vigorous dislike of foreigners, and a strong vigilantist streak, favouring violent corporal and capital punishment. But they still want white property expropriated.

Unfortunately, the political system often fails to represent the ordinary voter. Political representatives instead derive their positions from a balancing act between  institutional careerism, superficial public opinion, oligarchic interests, and abstract ideological sentiments.

University education, being saturated with sentiments divorced from everyday reality, tends to produce leaders who are increasingly incapable of thinking about the demands of ordinary life.

This is not even to begin to touch on the different ways apartheid is remembered.

But what should be learned here is that left and right are almost useless to describe national politics. They have some utility in describing certain aspects of economic policy, certain social policies, and the division of sentiment in the white middle classes, but beyond that bubble, the elements of each wing of Western political thought are so thoroughly intermingled and redistributed among native African sentiments and ideas (which are almost invisible to most) that it becomes useless very quickly.