For most of its history, Singapore was part and parcel of Malaysia and her development. During precolonial times, Singapore acted as a trade hub and entrepot that facilitated trade and cross-cultural exchange in Southeast Asia.

This did not change when the British settled the area. Singapore’s economic and strategic importance only grew as the British developed the island. Being the capital and seat of government of the Straits Settlements only saw the city undergo change and dynamism. Even after being scarred by the Second World War and Japanese occupation, Singapore remained one of the most developed parts of Asia.

When Singapore joined Malaysia, it was a no brainer. Singapore had already been economically integrated with its larger neighbor for hundreds of years. Singaporeans had played a part in Malay history and her struggle for independence.

The common language between the city’s races was pidgin Malay and Malays were the second largest racial group. For all intents and purposes, Singapore was part of Malaysia and could only gain from being fully integrated with the country. How else could Singapore make a living in the global economy?

Unfortunately, being part of Malaysia brought its own problems. While Lee Kuan Yew often advocated for non-racialism and a Malaysian Malaysia, the new country’s leaders had no qualms in asserting the special rights of the indigenous majority.

The residual and increasingly entrenched resentment against Chinese Malaysians and their economic dominance only led to more policies and positioning that were detrimental to Singapore.

The People’s Action Party and UMNO may both have been conservative and traditionalist, but their differing attitudes on race eventually forced a split between the two countries in 1965.

While 1960s Singapore was far from the poor and underdeveloped backwater that many conventional histories portrayed it to be, it was certainly not secure. The city state’s exposure to political instability in Malaysia and Indonesian communism could’ve very easily scared off investors for good.

The lack of a large domestic market forced Singapore’s companies and the government to adopt an export-oriented mindset. Singapore could no longer just be the place to trade Malaysian raw materials, it had to produce goods and services of its own.

From the sixties to the mid-eighties, the People’s Action Party studiously courted multinational corporations and their investment dollars. The politicians and regulators respected their property rights and did their utmost to make Singapore an attractive place to live and work.

In time, regular Singaporeans were able to gain skills, build up their own knowledge of industries, acclimatize to the global economy, started their own businesses. Singapore is now a world leader in oil and gas, banking, pharmaceuticals, and cryptocurrency.

This process was anything but easy. Even today, Singaporeans will often gripe about white privilege and foreign domination. Conservative Singaporeans will complain about expats corrupting the youth while liberal Singaporeans will often moan about their white colleagues making more money than they do for less work. However, nobody can deny that Singapore has become a success.

The Western Cape, in 2023, could not be more different than Singapore in 1965. The Western Cape boasts a developed economy and is blessed with a bounty of natural resources that Singaporeans could only dream of.

Singapore did not have two globally renowned universities, a temperate climate, fantastic weather, or some of the world’s most splendid coastline. Singapore certainly wasn’t bestowed with fertile farmland and productive farmers that grows some of the world’s tastiest oranges or produce the highest quality wines.

The challenges bedeviling the Western Cape are far more daunting. The most challenging problem for the Cape independence movement is getting the referendum. The South African constitution grants the right to self-determination and even allows for premiers to call a referendum, but the ANC could very easily obstruct or undermine an official plebiscite.

It’s not inconceivable that the ANC and EFF would refuse to recognize the result or perhaps even encourage his supporters to boycott it. If all else fails, Ramaphosa could simply refuse to recognize the referendum.

However, given the clear language in the South African constitution and the law itself, these challenges are not insurmountable. A brave Premier and an even braver movement would eventually formulate sober and pragmatic solutions.

The second most pressing problem is winning the referendum. Currently, the Yes side has a commanding lead in public opinion polls and support has grown tremendously from a low base. Referendums differ from general elections. They are far more impassioned and energetic. Even the most well-funded and competently run campaigns can be overtaken by events.

Once independent, the Western Cape can start diverging from the truisms and ideas that make up the South African consensus. The Cape’s future will rise and fall with the new policies it adopts.

Singapore’s novel approaches to law and order, pensions, and macroeconomic policy ran counter to the prevailing consensus in the rest of Asia. As Singapore developed, foreign observers were often shocked by the extent of Lee’s raw approach to crime and policing.

Many influential liberals were taken aback by Lee’s seriousness towards punishing criminals and communist insurgents. Economists were curious as to why Singapore enacted a forced savings scheme rather than a conventional pension system.

Other scholars were surprised by the government’s relaxed attitude towards foreign investment and the strong relationship they cultivated with American multinationals in a continent that swore by protectionism.

Let’s imagine the Western Cape after a couple of decades being independent. Instead of criminal gangs extorting innocent people and small businesses, Cape Town could be as crime free as Tokyo.

Instead of ever-expanding shanty towns on valuable real estate, the poor could be housed in comfortable and warm social housing. Instead of fearing for your life on a rickety train, Capians can enjoy a pleasant ride while visiting family or commuting.

They would worry less about making ends meet with a faster growing and far more productive economy. Pensioners can enjoy their golden years while building up a nest egg thanks to a robust retirement system.

Lastly, a Western Cape government that no longer needs to appease or placate the South African government will have the leeway and the opportunity to take difficult decisions that can only be good for the Cape and her people.

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